Abstract

In the past, tradition of bride wealth is believed to have operated beneficially to give formal recognition to marriages and protect wives against abuse, stabilize the partnership and to join the two families together. Today, however the practice appears to have become commercialized and to have lost much of its traditional value in many instances. Bride wealth can now appear to be buying a wife as a commodity and this result to abuse of women if she does not fulfil her value or she attempts to leave the marriage or if the bride wealth cannot be repaid. Therefore, this study seeks to determine the effects of bride wealth on gender inequality. Objectives for this study include; to determine the contribution of bride wealth on gender inequality, to identify the factors which determine bride wealth in the Bakossi clan, to investigate the contribution of bride wealth on gender inequality in the Bakossi clan, and lastly to develop policy recommendations. Data for this study was collected with the help of questionnaires and a sample of 30 was used. Findings show bride wealth may be a source of problem because once something becomes of commercial value a commercial return is expected. Recommendations such as: sensitizing parents, men and women including the general community on bride wealth related issues, bride wealth should be moderate, it should not be too high, you are not selling your child, bride wealth should be a token when love is involved.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

Most societies, at some point in their history, have been characterized by payments at the time of marriage. Such payments typically go hand-in-hand with marriages arranged by the parents of the respective spouses. These marriage payments come in various forms and sizes. According to Murdock (1967), Bride-price occurs in two-thirds of societies. Bride price or bride wealth is used to validate customary marriages and is a common practice in many African societies. Typically, bride price consists of contract where material items (often cattle, pig, or other animals) or money are paid by the groom to the bride’s family in exchange for the bride for the labour and her capacity to produce children (Oumo, 2004). This practice of bride price has different names in different countries and regions of Africa. Among the Zulus, it is known as “Lobola while the Tiv of central Nigeria call it “kem”. Increasingly in urban areas, the practice is changing so that money (rather than animal) is more commonly given inform of non-refundable gifts.

In the past, tradition of bride price is believed to have operated beneficially to give formal recognition to marriages and protect wives against abuse, stabilize the partnership and to join the two families together. Today, however the practice appears to have become commercialized and to have lost much of its traditional value in many instances. Bride price can now appear to be buying a wife as a commodity and this result to abuse of women if she does not fulfill her value or she attempts to leave the marriage or if the bride price cannot be repaid (Matembe, 2004). Domestic violence, abuse of women’s rights, poverty among newly married couples, divorces etc have been found to be associated with high bride price (Oumo et al 2004). These have serious implication on the stability of families especially newly married couples.

Historically, gift exchange has been an important integral part of marriage rites and ceremonies in African culture. It involves exchange of materials or money from the man’s to the woman’s household, but practices differ between communities. In most, it is men folk who participate in discussions that determine what, how much and how such a payment is made (Kaye D, 2002)

In parts of Africa, a traditional marriage ceremony depends on payment of a bride price to be valid. In Sub-Saharan Africa, bride price must be paid first in order for the couple to get permission to marry in church or in other civil ceremonies, or the marriage is not considered valid by the bride’s family. The amount can vary from a token to a great sum, real estate and other values. Lobolo (or Lobola, sometimes also known as Roora) is the same tradition in most cultures in Southern Africa Xhosa, Shona, Venda, Zulu, and Ndebele. The amount includes a few to several herds of cattle, goats and a sum of money depending on the family. The cattle and goats constitute an integral part of the traditional marriage for ceremonial purposes during and after the original marriage ceremony (Shanon, 2018)

The animals and money are not always paid all at once. Depending on the wealth of the groom and his family can enter into a non-written contract with the bride’s family similar to the Jewish Ketubah, in which he promises to pay what he owes within a specified period of time. This is done to allow young men who do not have much to marry while they work towards paying off the bride price as well as raising a family or wait for their own sisters and aunts to get married so they in turn can use the amounts received to offset their debts to their in-laws. This amount must be paid by his family in the event he is incapacitated or dies. It is considered a family debt of honor.

The bride price tradition can have destructive effects when young men don’t have the means to marry. In strife-torn South Sudan, for instance, many young men steal cattle for this reason, often risking their lives, (Aleu, 2016) In mid twentieth century Gabon a person’s whole life can be governed by the money affairs connected with marriage; to secure a wife for their son, parents begin to pay installments for a girl who is only a few years old; from the side of the wife’s family there begins a process of squeezing which goes on for years, (Schweitzer, 1958)

In third world countries, commercialization of bride price or high bride wealth is a practice that tends to be common among ethnic/tribal groups or cultures. Socio- economic variables such as level of education of the bride, social status of bride family etc have become deciding factors in determining bride price. In such cases where the bride attains high education or is a working class, bride price tends to be escalated. The groom or his families is expected to pay heavily in these circumstances. Further, most ethnic groups consider female child to be of high value commodity, which when invested into properly can guarantee high financial or economic reward. Consequently, the groom or his family is required to buy the commodity at the highest price so as to ensure or gain profit (Obotu, 2012). The high bride price practices which has prevailed among societies and cultures today is not unconnected with the dysfunctional nature of the modern family. High bride price has serious implication on the marital instability. This is reflected in high rates of divorce, domestic violence, poverty among newly married syndrome, violation of women’s rights.

The U.N declaration on Rights and Duties of women, 1948, was in disapproval for preventing their participation on equal terms with men in political, social and cultural life of their countries and is an abstract to the full development of the potentialities of women in the service of their countries and of humanity. To a certain extent the continued existence of the custom does demand the subservience of women, (Josephine, 2004).

1.2 Statement of The Problem

Although there is growing acknowledgments of men’s authority over child bearing marriage, little attention has been paid to whether the marriage process also influences male authority in other spheres of a woman’s life. Nearly 50 years ago, Meyers Fortes (1962) argued that bride wealth payment gives husbands in sub Saharan Africa jurisdiction over women’s household labour, as sexual and reproductive capacities (Goody and Tambiah, 1973). This argument has been consistent over the years but little empirical evidence has been given to back these facts. Bride price is one prove of marriage, when the groom pays money to the bride’s family, it signifies marriage and they both can live together as husband and wife. It is true that women who live with men who have paid their bride price have some degree of prestige in them that they have been duly married. Bride price as a gender issue affects the broad context of people’s lives as it influences what roles are considered appropriate (Goody and Tambiah 1973).

In as much as bride price is relevant as it is a prove of marriage, when it is high it also reduces the power and prestige of the woman, the perception that the woman was paid for, belongs to the man and has less household decision-making power is manifestation. Especially in the Bakossi clan, high bride price is one reason why men disregard the woman’s role in decision making in the family. All these controversies about bride price make us want to study its effects on gender equality in the Bakossi clan.

It is for these reasons that this study is out to determine the contribution of bride wealth to gender inequality in the Bakossi clan.

 

1.2.1 Research Questions

The main research question is to determine the effects of bride price on gender inequality. Specific research questions include;

1. What are the factors that determine bride price in the Bakossi Clan?
2. What are the effects of bride price on gender inequality in the Bakossi clan?
3. What are the policy recommendations?

 

1.3       Objectives of the study

1.3.1    General Objective

The main objective of the study is to determine the contribution of bride price on gender equality. Specific objectives are as follows:

1.3.2 Specific Objectives

1. To identify the factors which determine bride price in the Bakossi clan
2. To investigate the contribution of bride price on gender inequality in the Bakossi clan
3. To develop policy recommendations