Abstract

Yam marketing plays an important role in employment creation and income source for rural and urban poor particularly women who are often the first victims of heightened poverty (Tinker 2003).

Yet despite the significant contributions women make in the households and the economy as a result of their participation in the yam marketing chain, little is said about their profile and position in the chain.

The study addressed the profile and participation of women in the yam marketing chain in the Fako Division. Data was collected using questionnaires and nonparticipant observation. The purposive sampling was used to select 59 female yam entrepreneurs precisely at the Muea and Muyuka markets in Fako Division.

The study areas were also purposively selected because they were the subdivisions with major localities where farmers grow and eventually sell yam. Descriptive statistics were used to analyze data.

Findings demonstrate that most female yam entrepreneurs were married with children and participate in the marketing of yam as wholesalers (42.4%) and retailers (57.6%). Though most of them lacked adequate capital, the female yam entrepreneurs still bought from fifty to two thousand tubers of yams twice per week mostly from farmers and few retailers bought yams from wholesalers.

This is contrary to other studies which state that majority of the actors in the yam marketing chain in Cameroon were mostly retailers (75%) who bought yam in small quantities usually less than a heap (100 tubers). The wholesalers were supplied to local wholesalers, retailers, and consumers whereas the retailers sold mostly to consumers.

The marketing of yams, therefore, runs from the wholesalers, local wholesalers, retailers, and consumers to complete the chain. The provision of household needs was considered as the main benefit achieved in selling yams.

However, female yam entrepreneurs encountered some challenges which hindered the growth of the yam business such as lack of adequate capital and limited access to formal sources of finance. Thus, they relied on informal sources of finance which were insufficient to trade on a large scale.

Poor roads and high costs of transportation caused some entrepreneurs in Muyuka to abandon purchased yams on the way because of lack of transport vehicles. Female yam entrepreneurs should form groups so that each group should hire a pickup or Hilux that could transport their goods safely. Special “njangi” groups should be formed in which some of the profits earned could be saved purposely to be plowed back into the business to ensure growth.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

The root and tuber crops precisely yam constitute an important source of food and revenue to about 60 million people in West Africa (IITA, 2010). According to Nwasike cited in Okuokenye et al., (2011), yam is rated as an important tuber for its nutritive value at least when compared with cassava since it contains a higher percentage of protein and vitamin C. Afoakwa et al., (2001) also noted that, yam is one of the most important dietary sources of energy produced within the tropics as it contains vitamin B6 and potassium.

The crop also contributes substantially to the protein in the diet, ranking as the third most important source of a protein supply, much greater than the more widely grown cassava, and even above animal protein sources (IITA, 2015).

Consequently, yam contributes to food security, and its availability on the market for a considerable part of the year helps prevent food shortages, particularly in the urban communities as it stores relatively longer than other root crops.

Yam marketing is carried out by both male and female entrepreneurs because entry and exit into the yam business are free (Ogbonna et al., 2013). The sale of yam serves as a source of income generation to producers, rural and urban wholesalers, and retailers who market the commodity (IITA, 2010).

Okuokenye et al., (2011) revealed that in Nigeria, yam wholesale marketing is mostly carried out by men because they have the available capital to purchase yam in bulk. On the other hand, according to Aidoo et al., (2012), in some districts in Ghana, the marketing of yam is completely dominated by women who have primary education, lack enough capital, and are married with children with an average age of 40 years.

Implying that a typical actor in the yam marketing chain is in the economically active age group. According to Sikod (2010), increasing unemployment caused by the economic crisis, lack of skills and education, the burden of household responsibilities, and poverty forced women to incorporate food crop marketing like yam to their farming activities to supplement household income.

Yet compared to men, female yam entrepreneurs face a number of disadvantages, including lower mobility, less access to training, less access to formal sources financial and less access to market information (Gurung 2006).

Providing female yam entrepreneurs with the same opportunities as men could increase their incomes by an estimated 10–20 percent (World Bank, 2005). However, more and more women are still pushed into the marketing of yam to supplement household income (Fapohunda, 2012).

Otoo et al., (2013) noted that in Ghana, 60% of men and 40% of women participate in the marketing of yam depending on the location in the chain. At the farm gate, yam is often sold by men while women mostly participate as wholesalers and retailers in the district and urban market.

According to a study conducted by Aidoo et al., (2012) still in Ghana, women participate in a long chain greater than the three different channels through which yams move from the farm gate to the final consumer.

Five different marketing channels were identified. It showed that wholesalers (women) were important players in the yam marketing chain. They support local yam distribution through retailers (women) and yam exports through cross-border traders (women).

The local wholesalers bought yams from producers and sold them to cross-border traders and retailers who also sold to consumers. Also, the cross-border traders purchased yams from producers and local wholesalers and sold them to other wholesalers and retailers in destination countries (Togo, Burkina Faso, and Europe) who in turn sold to retailers and consumers.

Meanwhile in Cameroon, Ngassam et al., (2007) revealed that about 20% of yams produced in Cameroon were retailed mostly by women in the yam marketing chain. The retailers mostly women (75%) bought yams in small quantities usually less than a heap (100 tubers) from wholesalers and semi wholesalers during the planting periods when yams are scarce and from producers during periods of plenty, transported the yams and sold to consumers.

Furthermore, Acquah and Evange (1993) revealed that the major participants in the yam marketing chain in the South West Region of Cameroon were the farmers (producers), retailers, and consumers and that the retailers (women) constituted about 83% of yams traders.

The producers sold their yam directly to consumers or retailers in their local rural markets who subsequently sold to consumers in urban and semi-urban markets.  The significance of female participation in the yam marketing chain in household poverty alleviation and economic development cannot be over-emphasized.

Through their marketing efforts, women provide valuable links among farmers, intermediaries, and consumers (World Bank, 2008). The marketing channel for yam, therefore, runs from the wholesalers, retailers, and consumers to complete the yam marketing chain.

Thus, Eneme cited in Fonjong (2004) asserts that female food crop entrepreneurs in Cameroon form an essential distribution link in ensuring food security in big cities and towns as well as ensuring household survival.

It is increasingly known in recent times that a major share of income of rural households is obtained through women’s economic activities and sometimes even the share of women’s income in the household economy is more than the share of men (Emadi cited in Anyanwu, 2014).

Apart from efficiency gains, food security and welfare gains are also strongly linked to the provision of greater economic opportunities for women. Studies show that resources and incomes controlled by women are more likely to be used to improve family food consumption and welfare, reduce child malnutrition, and increase the overall well-being of the family (FAO, 2006).

In addition, Ngome cited in Sikod (2010) observes that activities that confer more income-earning power on women tend to increase their participation in decision making in the households which is an important indicator of empowerment.

However, despite these important contributions they make from marketing yams, they have limited access to formal sources of credit and inadequate capital, lack of feeder roads, and storage problems.

There is, however, a growing recognition among development agencies and governments that, if these problems were solved, the bargaining position of female yam traders would be strengthened, their income would increase. In addition, more efficient markets would help to lower transaction costs, increase the volume of trade, lower food prices, and offer greater food security, leading to greater benefits for the economy as a whole (FAO, 2003).

Worst still, despite the important role female yam entrepreneurs, play in alleviating household poverty and ensuring food security, empirical evidence has shown that the participation of women in the marketing of yam has not been adequately recognized and their efforts not properly documented (Ezumah et al., 1995 and Aiyedum et al.,2001 cited in Asiedu et al., 2007).

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Female yam entrepreneurs increasingly supply national and international markets with yam. According to Aidoo et al., (2012), women are the key players (wholesalers, cross-border traders, and retailers) in the yam marketing chain. Female yam entrepreneurs support local yam distribution through retailers (women) and yam exports through cross-border traders (women).

The local wholesalers bought yams from producers and sold them to cross-border traders and retailers who also sold to consumers. Also, the cross-border traders purchased yams from producers and local wholesalers and sold to other wholesalers and retailers in destination countries who in turn sold to retailers and consumers.

Furthermore, Ngassam et al., (2007) observe that, the marketing of yams at retail markets was done mostly by women in Cameroon. The retailers bought yams in small quantities usually less than a heap (100 tubers) from wholesalers and semi wholesalers and sold them to consumers.

Nganje cited in Acquah et al. (1993) noted that 39.4% of total yam produced in the Fako division is sold locally, and internationally, 13.6 tons of yams were exported through Idenau to Britain alone in 2013 (Agriculture Survey and Statistics Fako, 2013).

Thanks to their marketing efforts, female yam entrepreneurs form an essential distribution link in ensuring food security in rural and urban communities. Thus, the rural zones are connected to the rest of the country through women yam entrepreneurs’ marketing activities.

Apart from efficiency gains, food security and welfare gains are also strongly linked to the provision of greater economic opportunities for women. Studies show that resources and incomes controlled by women are more likely to be used to improve family food consumption and welfare, reduce child malnutrition, and increase the overall well-being of the family (FAO, 2006).

In fact, women’s participation in yam marketing chain has helped to reduce food insecurity, unemployment and household poverty (Fonjong, 2004).

However, women yam entrepreneurs face more severe constraints in accessing resources such as formal sources of credit, lower mobility, less access to market information and storage facilities which reduces their contributions to their family’s welfare and to the achievement of economic development (FAO, 2011).

Government policies tend to overlook these problems and the important contributions made by the female yam entrepreneurs in alleviating household poverty and ensuring food security; these issues are not effectively articulated in its policies and programs.

Unfortunately for these female yam entrepreneurs, the government through the Ministry of Commerce is intending to promote only the processing of yams instead of marketing because they think producers will sell and make more profit than when yam is sold in its fresh form (MINCOMMERCE, 2013).

In addition, research on yam has focused more on pre-production issues to the neglect of post-harvest issues like marketing, storage, and distribution activities in the yam sector (Aidoo et al, 2012).

Most research on root and tubers is concentrated on cassava production and transformation while the marketing of yams and particularly women’s participation in the yam marketing chain has been marginalized (Ngassam et al., 2007). This invisibility explains why there is little empirical data and information on women’s participation in the marketing of yams.

The study seeks to fill this knowledge gap and to examine the profile and the position of women in the yam marketing chain. It is within this background that this research seeks to provide answers to the following questions:

1.3 Research Questions

1. What is the profile of women in the yam marketing chain?
2. Why do women get involved in the yam marketing chain?
3. What is the role of female entrepreneurs in the yam marketing chain?
4. What are some of the benefits of yam marketing to women and their households?
5. What are the challenges of women in the yam marketing chain?